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独立思考我国正在树立自己的话语权！中国风读书时间九月长安我关注的美国国际关系说出你的2016愿望习主席为人民服务领导者环城西苑公园西安的价值歌词美国的狭隘与堕落

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毛泽东
从这个角度出发，可以识别出专政用语在我们的政法传统中变化的线索。在《论人民民主专政》中，毛泽东即给出了“民主+专政”的简明公式。他说，人民在中国共产党的领导下，对“帝国主义的走狗即地主阶级和官僚资产阶级以及代表这些阶级的国民党反动派及其帮凶们”：
“
实行专政，实行独裁，压迫这些人，只许他们规规矩矩，不许他们乱说乱动。如要乱说乱动，立即取缔，予以制裁。对于人民内部，则实行民主制度，人民有言论集会结社等项的自由权。选举权，只给人民，不给反动派。这两个方面，对人民内部的民主方面和对反动派的专政方面，互相结合起来，就是人民民主专政。

在毛泽东的这个公式中，人民以及敌人的具体内涵可随历史处境的变化...

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\\n普通的刑事犯罪与此不同。毛泽东说：“人民犯了法，也要受惩罚，也要坐班房，也有死刑，但这是若干个别的情形，和对于反动阶级当作一个阶级的专政来说，有原则的区别。邓小平 因此，我们看到邓小平在1979年关于“坚持四项基本原则”的讲话中，一方面重复了毛泽东的公式；另一方面强调党内不存在一个资产阶级，在社会主义制度确立之后，也就是在剥削制度的经济基础被消灭了之后不可能再产生一个资产阶级或其他剥削阶级。因此，专政作为不受法律限制的暴力这个意义就不再适用了，毛泽东关于专政对象和普通刑事罪犯之间的区分也不再有效了。 “ 但是我们必须看到，在社会主义社会，仍然有反革命分子，有敌特分子，有各种破坏社会主义秩序的刑事犯罪分子和其他坏分子，有贪污盗窃、投机倒把的新剥削分子，并且这种现象在长时期内不可能完全消灭。 \\n同他们的斗争不同于过去历史上的阶级对阶级的斗争（他们不可能形成一个公开的完整的阶级），但仍然是一种特殊形式的阶级斗争，或者说是历史上的阶级斗争在社会主义条件下特殊形式的遗留。对于这一切反社会主义的分子仍然必须实行专政。 \\n这个煞费苦心的论述同毛泽东的论述之间无疑具有连续性，但“坏分子”现在成为专政的主要对象，而不是附带现象。根据这个论述，阶级作为敌人是公开的（这解释了事先剥夺政治存在的可能性），而新的专政对象似乎与之相对，应该不是公开的。在被刑事程序识别出来之前，他们就潜伏在人民内部，形式上就是人民的成员。所以，这种斗争是新形式的斗争。 \\n对此，刘少奇早在中共八大的报告上就作了更鲜明的说明。刘少奇说，在暴烈的革命时期之后，新的秩序建立起来，斗争的任务从“破坏”转为“保护”，斗争的方法必须从人民群众的“直接行动”变为“完备的法制”。同反革命分子的斗争“必须严格地遵守法制”。其中的原因不难理解：曾经革命者是无形的，现在敌人成了隐藏的了。 \\n专政在这里的概念似乎直接违背列宁的定义而与法权联系起来，正如邓小平说的，“要按照法律”来对那些作为专政对象的“反革命分子、坏分子”进行严肃处理。一个令人惊异的概念设定从某种需求中产生了出来：依法专政。 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